CICERO LETTERS TO ATTICUS

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY

E. O. WINSTEDT, M.A.

OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE. OXFORD

IN THREE VOLUMES II

LONDON: WILLIAM HEINEMANN NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. MCMXXI

[Pg iv] [Pg v]

INTRODUCTION

This second volume of Cicero's Letters to Atticus embraces one of the most important epochs in Roman history, the fall of the Republic in the struggle between Pompey and Caesar. The storm which had long been brewing broke just as Cicero returned from Cilicia over the question of Caesar's resignation of office. By the agreement made in 56 B.C. Caesar's governorship of Gaul was renewed for five years and he was then to be re-elected to the consulship in 48 B.C. As the renewal dated from March 1, 54 B.C., his term of office would naturally expire on March 1, 49 B.C.: but according to the rule in vogue at the time of the reappointment he would not be superseded until Jan. 1, 48 B.C., the date on which he would enter on the consulship. He would therefore hold office continually, and his enemies, the Senatorial party, would have no chance of bringing a prosecution against him, which might be fatal to his career. But in 52 B.C. they had induced Pompey to bring forward a new law by which ex-magistrates did not proceed to a province as soon as

their office ended but after an interval of five years. Consequently for the next five years special appointments had to be made by the Senate—for example Cicero's appointment to Cilicia—and, as they could be made at any time, it would be perfectly easy to supersede Caesar on March 1, 49, and secure his prosecution, condemnation and downfall before he could enter on the consulship.

Another new law of Pompey's insisted on the [Pg vi]personal attendance of candidates for office, from which Caesar had previously obtained special exemption. On the remonstrance of Caesar's friends Pompey had inserted a clause allowing such special exemptions to stand: but this clause was never properly passed. This again was designed to ensure Caesar's presence in Rome, with a view to his prosecution.

During the next two years the question of his resignation was continually coming up in the House, but no definite conclusion was reached, owing largely to Curio's spirited attacks on all the Senatorial party's proposals. That party however was ready to catch at any trifle to pick a quarrel with Caesar: and they found an opportunity when in Sept. 50 B.C. Caesar decided to send the 13th legion into Cisalpine Gaul to replace the 15th, which he had had to surrender, nominally for the war in Syria, though actually the legion was kept in Italy. A report was circulated that he was sending four legions to Placentia with hostile intentions. The report was disproved by Curio: but, though the majority of the Senate supported the opposition, and refused to declare Caesar a public enemy, Marcellus, the consul, took upon himself to appoint Pompey to the command over two legions with authority to raise more against Caesar. On his return to Cisalpine Gaul in November, Caesar ignored this illegal commission and privately offered to give up Transalpine Gaul on March 1, if allowed

to keep Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum with two legions or even Illyricum with one. It was at this juncture that Cicero returned to Italy, and he seems to have spoken in favour of accepting this proposal, though shocked at Caesar's "impudence" in making it. But neither Pompey nor the Senatorial party took it [Pg vii]seriously, and Caesar was forced to send an ultimatum stating that he would resign only if Pompey did the same. The Senate replied that, if he did not resign, he would be declared a public enemy: and, when their motion to that effect was vetoed by Antony and Cassius, the latter met with the same treatment and had to flee to Caesar in company with Curio.

On hearing their report Caesar took the first step in the war by crossing the Rubicon. His march southward was so quickly executed that Pompey and the consuls evacuated Rome. Negotiations for peace failed. Domitius with eighteen cohorts at Corfinium was taken prisoner, and Pompey retreated to Brundisium on his way to Greece. Hurrying after him Caesar blockaded the town: but Pompey succeeded in effecting his escape. Meantime Cicero was exhibiting the weakest side of his character. At the first outbreak he offered to go with Pompey: but he was given the command of Capua and the Campanian coast. This command he resigned in a few days: later he set out to join Pompey at Brundisium, but retreated for fear of capture: and thereafter for months he remained at Formiae shilly-shallying and writing querulous letters to Atticus for advice. However, when he met Caesar on his return from Brundisium to Rome, he had sufficient courage to refuse to take a seat in the House and support his demands.

Caesar's stay in Rome was short and marked only by his seizure of the public treasury and the appointment of his friends Lepidus and Antony as prefect of the city and military commander respectively. Then he hastened to Spain, where, after nearly meeting with a disaster, he defeated the five legions under Afranius and Petreius at Ilerda, and gained [Pg viii]the whole peninsula. While the issue was still uncertain in Spain, and indeed things looked unfavourable to Caesar, Cicero screwed up his courage and joined Pompey in Epirus. Meantime Sardinia was occupied by Caesar's adjutant P. Valerius and Sicily gave way to Curio. The latter passed on to Africa, where after some success he met with defeat and death at the hands of Juba. It was not till January 48 B.C. that Caesar effected a landing in Epirus, where he proceeded to surround Pompey's camp near Dyrrachium: but his lines were broken through and he sustained a slight defeat. He retired towards Thessaly and there in August won a decisive victory over Pompey at Pharsalus. Pompey fled to Cyprus and thence to Egypt, there to meet

his death. The rest of the party split up, some going to Africa to carry on the war, others to Greece and Asia to make terms for themselves with Caesar. Cicero after a violent quarrel with his brother at Patrae returned to Brundisium, and there spent many miserable months wondering what his fate would be when Caesar returned. His misfortunes were increased by a rupture with his wife Terentia, and the unfaithfulness and general misconduct of his son-in-law Dolabella, which forced him to procure a divorce for Tullia. And there this volume leaves him, moaning.

The following abbreviations are used in the apparatus criticus:—

M = the Codex Mediceus 49, 18, written in the year 1389 A.D., and now preserved in the Laurentian Library at Florence. M1 denotes the reading of the first hand, and M2 that of a reviser.

Δ = the reading of M when supported by that of the [Pg ix]Codex Urbinas 322, a MS. of the 15th century, preserved in the Vatican Library.

N = the Codex ex abbatia Florentina, n. 14 in the Laurentian Library, written in the 14th or 15th century.

O = Codex 1.5.34 in the University Library at Turin, written in the 15th century.

P = No. 8536 of the Latin MSS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, a MS. of the 15th century.

Ant. = Codex Antonianus, used by Malaspina.

C = the marginal readings in Cratander's edition of 1528, drawn from a MS. which is lost.

F = Codex Faerni, used by Malaspina.

Z = the readings of the lost Codex Tornaesianus, Zb denoting the reading as preserved by Bosius, and Zl that testified to by Lambinus.

I = the editio Jensoniana princeps (Venice, 1470).

L = readings in the text of Lambinus' edition, or conjectures of Lambinus.

Vict. = the editio Petri Victori (Venice, 1534-37).

[Pg x] [Pg xi]

M. TULLI CICERONIS EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM LIBER SEPTIMUS

I CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Dederam equidem L. Saufeio litteras et dederam ad te unum, quod, cum non esset temporis mihi ad scribendum satis, tamen hominem tibi tam familiarem sine meis litteris ad te venire nolebam; sed, ut philosophi ambulant, has tibi redditum iri putabam prius. Sin iam illas accepisti, scis me Athenas venisse pr. Idus Octobres, e navi egressum in Piraeum tuas ab Acasto nostro litteras accepisse, conturbatum, quod cum febre Romam venisses, bono tamen animo esse coepisse, quod Acastus ea, quae vellem, de allevato corpore tuo nuntiaret, cohorruisse autem me eo[1] quod tuae litterae de legionibus Caesaris adferrent, et egisse tecum, ut videres, ne quid φιλοτιμία eius, quem nosti, nobis noceret, et, de quo iam pridem ad te scripseram, Turranius autem secus tibi Brundisi dixerat (quod ex iis litteris cognovi, quas a Xenone, optimo viro, accepi), cur fratrem provinciae non praefecissem, exposui breviter. Haec fere sunt in illa epistula. Nunc audi reliqua.

[1] me eo Tyrrell; me MSS.; eo Koch, Müller.

Per fortunas! omnem tuum amorem, quo me es amplexus, omnemque tuam prudentiam, quam mehercule

CICERO'S LETTERS TO ATTICUS BOOK VII

I CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

I did give L. Saufeius a letter, one for you alone, because, though I had no time to write, I was reluctant that so intimate an acquaintance of yours should come to you without a note from me. But, considering the pace of philosophers, I imagine the present letter will reach you first. If, however, you have got that earlier letter now, you will know that I arrived at Athens on Oct. 14; that on disembarking at the port I received your letter from our friend Acastus; that, perturbed though I was at your arrival in Rome with a fever, nevertheless I began to take heart at Acastus' welcome announcement of your convalescence; but shivered myself at your news of Caesar's legions, and pleaded with you to beware lest friend Philotimus' time-serving injure us.[2] As for the point I touched on long ago (misrepresented to you by Turranius at Brundisium, as I gathered from a letter received from that good fellow Xeno), I set forth briefly the reason why I had not put my brother in charge of the province. Those practically were the topics of that letter. Now hear what remains.

[2] Cf. vi, 4, 6, 9.

In heaven's name, I want all the affection which you have lavished on me, and all your worldly

[Pg 4]

in omni genere iudico singularem, confer ad eam curam, ut de omni statu meo cogites. Videre enim mihi videor tantam dimicationem, nisi idem deus, qui nos melius, quam optare auderemus, Parthico bello liberavit, respexerit rem publicam,—sed tantam, quanta numquam fuit. Age, hoc malum mihi commune est cum omnibus. Nihil tibi mando ut de eo cogites, illud meum proprium πρόβλεμα, quaeso, suscipe. Videsne, ut te auctore sim utrumque complexus? Ac vellem a principio te audisse amicissime monentem.

Ἀλλ' ἐμὸν οὔποτε θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ἔπειθες.

Sed aliquando tamen persuasisti, ut alterum complecterer, quia de me erat optume meritus, alterum, quia tantum valebat. Feci igitur itaque effeci omni obsequio, ut neutri illorum quisquam esset me carior. Haec enim cogitabamus, nec mihi coniuncto cum Pompeio fore necesse peccare in re publica aliquando nec cum Caesare sentienti pugnandum esse cum Pompeio. Tanta erat illorum coniunctio. Nunc impendet, ut et tu ostendis, et ego video, summa inter eos contentio. Me autem uterque numerat suum, nisi forte simulat alter. Nam Pompeius non dubitat; vere enim iudicat ea, quae de re publica nunc sentiat, mihi valde probari. Utriusque autem accepi eius modi litteras eodem tempore quo tuas, ut neuter quemquam omnium pluris facere quam me videretur. Verum quid agam? Non quaero illa ultima (si enim

[Pg 5]

wisdom, which I swear to my mind is unrivalled in every subject, to be devoted to a careful estimate of my whole position. For myself, I seem to foresee a terrific struggle, unless indeed the same god, who wrought above my boldest hopes in freeing us from a Parthian war, take pity on the state—anyhow, such a terrific struggle as there never has been before. True, the calamity would fall not only on me, but on every one. I don't ask you to consider the wider problem: solve my own little case, I entreat. Don't you see that it is you who are responsible for my friendship with both Pompey and Caesar? Ah, would that I had listened to your friendly admonitions from the outset.

"Thou couldst not sway the spirit in my breast."

But at last, however, you persuaded me to be friendly with the one, because he had done so much for me; with the other, because he was so powerful. Well, I did so, and I have studiously contrived to be particularly dear to both of them. For my idea was this. Allied with Pompey, I should never have to be guilty of political impropriety; and, siding with Caesar, I should not have to fight with Pompey. So close was the alliance of those two. But now, on your showing and in my view, there threatens a dire struggle between them. Each of them counts me his friend—unless, perhaps, Caesar is dissembling; for Pompey has no doubt, rightly supposing that his present political views have my strongest approval. But both have sent me letters (which came with yours) in terms that would appear to make more of me than of anyone at all. But what am I to do? I don't mean in the long run. If the matter is to be fought in the

[Pg 6]

castris res geretur, video cum altero vinci satius esse quam cum altero vincere), sed illa, quae tum agentur, cum venero, ne ratio absentis habeatur, ut exercitum dimittat. "Dic, M. Tvlli." Quid dicam? "Exspecta, amabo te, dum Atticum conveniam"? Non est locus ad tergiversandum. Contra Caesarem? "Ubi illae sunt densae dexterae?" Nam, ut illi hoc liceret, adiuvi rogatus ab ipso Ravennae de Caelio tribuno pl. Ab ipso autem? Etiam a Gnaeo nostro in illo divino tertio consulatu.

Aliter sensero? Αἰδέομαι non Pompeium modo, sed Τρῶας καὶ Τρωάδας.

Πουλυδάμας μοι πρῶτος ἐλεγχείην καταθήσει.

Quis? Tu ipse scilicet, laudator et factorum et scriptorum meorum. Hanc ergo plagam effugi per duos superiores Marcellorum consulatus, cum est actum de provincia Caesaris, nunc incido in discrimen ipsum? Itaque ut stultus[3] primus suam sententiam dicat, mihi valde placet de triumpho nos moliri aliquid, extra urbem esse cum iustissuma causa. Tamen dabunt operam, ut eliciant sententiam meam. Ridebis hoc loco fortasse. Quam vellem etiam nunc in provincia morari! Plane opus fuit, si hoc impendebat. Etsi nil miserius. Nam, ὁδῦυ πάρεργον, volo te hoc scire.

[3] The reading here is debatable. Sulpicius, Hillus, and alius have been suggested in place of stultus.

[Pg 7]

field, I see it would be better to be beaten with Pompey than to win with Caesar. But what about the points in debate on my arrival—refusing the claims of a candidate who is away from Rome and ordering the disbanding of his army. "Your opinion, Marcus Tullius," will be the question. What am I to say? "Please wait till I meet Atticus?" There is no chance of evasion. I speak against Caesar? "Where then the pledge of plighted hands?"[4] For I assisted in getting Caesar privilege on these two points, when I was asked by him personally at Ravenna to approach Caelius the tribune to propose a bill. Asked by him personally, do I say? Yes, and by our friend Pompey in that immortal third consulship.

[4] Probably a quotation from some early poet.

Shall I choose the other course? "I fear" not only Pompey, but "the men and long-robed dames of Troy": "Polydamas will be the first to rail."[5] Who's he? Why, you, who praise my work and writings. Have I then avoided this trap during the last two consulships of the Marcelli, when the matter of Caesar's province was under debate, only to fall now into the thick of the trouble? That some fool may have the first vote on the motion, I feel strongly inclined to devote my energies to my triumph, a most reasonable excuse for staying outside the city. Nevertheless they will try to extract my opinion. Perhaps this will excite your mirth: I wish to goodness I were still staying in my province. I certainly ought to have stayed, if this was coming: though it would have been most wretched. For by the way

[5] Iliad vi, 442, and xxii, 100.

[Pg 8]

Omnia illa prima, quae etiam tu tuis litteris in caelum ferebas, ἐπίτηκτα fuerunt. Quam non est facilis virtus! Quam vero difficilis eius diuturna simulatio! Cum enim hoc rectum et gloriosum putarem, ex annuo sumptu, qui mihi decretus esset, me C. Caelio quaestori relinquere annuum, referre in aerarium ad HS CIↃ, ingemuit nostra cohors omne illud putans distribui sibi oportere, ut ego amicior invenirer Phrygum et Cilicum aerariis quam nostro. Sed me non moverunt; nam et mea laus apud me plurimum valuit, nec tamen quicquam honorifice in quemquam fieri potuit, quod praetermiserim. Sed haec fuerit, ut ait Thucydides, ἐκβολὴ λόγου non inutilis.

Tu autem de nostro statu cogitabis, primum quo artificio tueamur benevolentiam Caesaris, deinde de ipso triumpho; quem video, nisi rei publicae tempora impedient, εὐπόριστον. Iudico autem cum ex litteris amicorum tum ex supplicatione. Quam qui non decrevit, plus decrevit, quam si omnes decresset triumphos. Ei porro adsensus est unus familiaris meus, Favonius, alter iratus, Hirrus. Cato autem et scribendo adfuit et ad me de sententia sua iucundissimas litteras misit. Sed tamen gratulans mihi Caesar de supplicatione triumphat de sententia Catonis nec scribit, quid ille sententiae dixerit, sed tantum, supplicationem eum mihi non decrevisse.

[Pg 9]

there is one thing I want to tell you. All that show of virtue at first, which even you praised sky high in your letters, was only superficial. Truly righteousness is hard: hard even to pretend to it for long. For, when I thought it a fine show of rectitude to leave my quaestor C. Caelius a year's cash out of what was decreed me for my budget and to pay back into the treasury £8,800,[6] my staff, thinking all the money should have been distributed among them, lamented that I should turn out to be more friendly to the treasuries of Phrygia and Cilicia than to our own. I was unmoved: for I set my good name before everything. Yet there is no possible honour that I have omitted to bestow on any of these knaves. This, in Thucydides' phrase, is a digression—but not pointless.

[6] 1,000,000 sesterces.

But as to my position. You will consider first by what trick I can retain Caesar's good will: and then the matter of my triumph, which, barring political obstacles, seems to me easy to get: I infer as much from letters from friends and from that business of the public thanksgiving in my honour. For the man who voted against it,[7] voted for more than if he had voted for all the triumphs in the world; moreover his adherents were one a friend of mine, Favonius, and another an enemy, Hirrus. Cato both took part in drafting the decree, and sent me a most agreeable letter about his vote. But Caesar, in writing to congratulate me over the thanksgiving, exults over Cato's vote, says nothing about the latter's speech on the occasion, and merely remarks that he opposed the proclamation of a thanksgiving.

[7] Cato.

[Pg 10]

Redeo ad Hirrum. Coeperas eum mihi placare; perfice. Habes Scrofam, habes Silium. Ad eos ego et iam antea scripsi ad ipsum Hirrum. Locutus enim erat cum iis commode se potuisse impedire, sed noluisse; adsensum tamen esse Catoni, amicissimo meo, cum is honorificentissimam in me sententiam dixisset; nec me ad se ullas litteras misisse, cum ad omnes mitterem. Verum dicebat. Ad eum enim solum et ad Crassipedem non scripseram. Atque haec de rebus forensibus; redeamus domum.

Diiungere me ab illo volo. Merus est φυρατής, germanus Lartidius.

Ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν προτετύχθαι ἐάσομεν ἀχνύμενοί περ.