Mirror for Magistrates.

T. Bensley, Printer, Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London.

Mirror for Magistrates.

EDITED BY JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.

VOLUME II.

LONDON: PRINTED FOR LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE; AND LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW. 1815.

Mirror for Magistrates,

IN FIVE PARTS.

VOLUME THE SECOND,

CONTAINING

PART III.

BY FERRERS, CAVYLL, CHALONER, PHAER, BALDWIN, SKELTON, DOLMAN, SACKVILLE, SEGAR, DINGLEY, CHURCHYARD, AND DRAYTON.

PARTS IV. AND V.

BY RICHARD NICCOLS.

COLLATED WITH VARIOUS EDITIONS, AND HISTORICAL NOTES, &c. By JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.

LONDON: PRINTED FOR LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE; AND LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW. 1815.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Volume II.

THE Mirrour for Magistrates, Wherein may be seene, by examples passed in this Realme, with how greeuous plagues vices are punished in great Princes and Magistrates: and how fraile and vnstable worldly prosperity is found, where Fortune seemeth most highly to fauour. Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum. PART III. By WILLIAM BALDWIN, and others. [Reprinted from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1559, 1563, 1571, 1575, 1578, and 1610.]

[Pg 3]

[Loue and Liue.

To all the[1] nobilitie, and all other in office, god graunt wisedome and all thinges nedefull for the preseruation of their estates. Amen.

Plato among many of[2] his notable sentences concernyng the gouernement of a common weale hath this: Well is that realme gouerned, in which the ambitious desire not to beare office. Whereby you may perceiue (right honourable) what offices are, where they be duely executed: not gainfull spoyles for the gredy to hunt for, but painefull toyles for the heady[3] to bee charged with. You may perceiue also, by this sentence, there[4] is nothing more necessary in a common weale then that magistrates[5] be diligent and trusty in their charges.

And sure in whatsoeuer realme such prouision is made, that officers be forced to do their duties, there is it as hard a matter to get an officer, as it is in other places to repulse and shift of[6] those that with flattery, brybes, and other shiftes, sue and preace for offices. For the ambitious (that is to saye prollers for power or gayne) seeke not for offices to helpe other, for whych cause officers[7] are ordained: but with the vndoing of other, to enrich themselues.[8] And therfore bar them once of this bayt, and force them to do their dueties, then will they geue more[9] to be rid from their charges, than they did at the first to come by them.[10] For they seeke onely their priuate profite.[11] And therfore where the ambitious seeke no office, there[Pg 4] no doubt offices are duely ministred. And where offices are duely ministred, it cannot be chosen, but the people are good, whereof must nedes follow a good common weale. For if the magistrates[12] be good, the people cannot be ill. Thus the goodnes or badnes of any

realme lieth in the goodnes or badnes of the rulers. And therfore not without great cause do the holy appostles so earnestly charg vs to pray for the magistrates: for in dede the wealth and quiet of euery common weale, the disorder also and miseries of the same, come specially thorough them. I neede not go eyther to the Romaines or Greekes for the profe hereof, neither yet to the Jewes, or other nations: whose common weales haue alway florished whyle their magistrates[13] were good, and decayed and ran to ruyne when vicious men had the gouernement.[14]

Our countrey[15] stories (if we reade and marke them) wil show vs examples enow, would God we had not sene mo than enow. I purpose not to stand herevpon the particulars, because they be in parte setforth in the tragedies folowing.[16] Yet by the waye, this I note (wishing all other to doe the like) namely, that as good gouernours haue neuer lacked their deserued praises,[17] so haue not the bad escaped infamy, besides such plagues as are horrible to heare of. For God (the ordeiner of offices)[18] although he suffer them for punishment of the people to be often occupied of such, as are rather spoilers and Judasses, than toilers or justices (whom the scriptures cal hypocrits)[19] yet suffereth he them not to scape vnpunished, because they dishonour him. For it is God’s own office, yea his chief office which they beare and abuse. For as justice is the chief vertue so is the ministration thereof, the chiefest office: and therfore hath God established it with the chiefest name, honouring and calling kinges and all officers vnder them by his owne name,[Pg 5] gods: ye be al gods,

as many as haue in your charge any ministration of iustice. What a foule shame were it for any nowe to take vpon them the name and office of God, and in their doings to shew themselues deuils? God cannot of justice, but plague suche shamelesse presumption and hipocrisie, and that with shamful death, diseases, or infamye. Howe he hath plagued euil rulers from time to time, in other nations, you may see gathred in Bochas’ boke intituled: The fall of Princes, translated into English by Lydgate, (a monke of the abbey of Bury in Suff.)[20] How he hath delt with some of our countrymen, your auncestours, for sundry vices not yet left, this boke named A Mirrour for Magistrates, shall in parte plainlye set forth before your eyes which boke I humbly[21] offer vnto your honours, beseching you to accept it fauorably. For here, as in a mirror or loking glasse,[22] you shal se if any vice be found,[23] how the like hath ben punished in other heretofore, wherby admonished, I trust it will bee a good occasione to moue men to the[24] soner amendment. This

is the chief end why this booke is[25] set forth, which God graunt it may talke according to the maner of the makers.[26] The worke was begon and part of it printed in quene Marie’s time, but staid by such as then were chief in office,[27] neuertheles, through the meanes of the right honorable Henry lord Stafford,[28] the first part was licenced, and imprinted the first yeare of the raign of this our most noble and vertuous queene, and dedicated to your honours with this preface. Since which time, although I wanted such help as before, yet the said good lord Stafford[29] hath[Pg 6] not ceased to cal vpon me to publish so much therof as I had gotten at other mens hands, so that through his lordship’s earnest meanes, I haue now also set forth another part, conteining as much as I could obtaine at the hands of my frends. Which[30] in the name of al the authours, I humbly dedicate vnto your honours, instantly wishing, that it may so like and delite your minds, that your chereful receiuing thereof, may encourage worthy wits to enterprise and perform the rest. Which as sone as I may

procure, I entend through God’s leaue and your fauourable allowance, to publish with all expedicion. In[31] the meane whyle my lordes and gods, (for so I may cal you) I moste humbly besech your honours fauourably to accepte this rude worke,[32] and diligentlye to reade and consider it. And although you shal find in it, that some haue for their virtue bin enuied and brought vnto misery:[33] yet cease not you to be vertuous, but do your offices to the vttermost. Embrace vertue and suppresse the contrary, both in[34] your selues and other, so shall God, whose officers[35] you are, eyther so maintaine you that no malice shall preuaile, or if it do, it shall be for your good, and to your eternall glory both here and in heauen which I beseech God you may both seek[36] and attaine.

Amen.

Your’s most humble W. B.[37]]

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[A BRIEFE MEMORIALL OF SONDRY VNFORTUNATE ENGLISHMEN.

WILLIAM BALDWINE

TO THE READER.

When the printer had purposed with himselfe to print Lidgate’s translation of Bochas, of the fall[38] of princes, and had made priuy thereto[39] many both honorable and worshipfull: hee was counsayled by diuers of them to procure to haue the story continued from whereas Bochas left, vnto this present time, chiefly of such as fortune hath dalyed with here[40] in this island: which might be as a mirour for men of all estates and degrees as well nobles as others, to beholde[41] the slipery deceiptes of the wauering lady, and the due rewarde of all kinde of vices. Which aduice liked him so well, that hee requyred mee to take paynes therein: but because it was a matter passing my witte and skill, and more thanklesse then gainefull to meddle in, I refused vtterly to vndertake it, except I might haue the helpe[42] of such as in witte were apt, in learning allowed, and in iudgement and estimation able to wielde and furnish so weighty an enterprise, thinking[43] so to shift my handes. But hee earnest and diligent in his affayres, procured Athlas to set vnder his[Pg 8]

shoulder: for shortly after,[44] diuers learned men (whose many giftes neede fewe prayses) consented to take vpon them parte of the trauayle. And when certayne of them to the numbre of seauen,[45] were through a generall assent at one[46] apoynted time and place, gathered together to deuise thereupon I resorted vnto them, bearing with mee the booke of Bochas, translated by Dan Lidgate, for the better obseruation of his order: which although wee liked well[47] yet would it not conueniently[48] serue, seeing that both Bochas and Lidgate were deade, neyther were there any aliue that medled with like argument, to whome the vnfortunate might make theyr mone. To make therefore a state meete for the matter, they all agreede that I shoulde vsurpe Bochas’ rome, and the wretched princes complayne vnto mee: and tooke vpon themselues, euery man for his part to be sundry personages, and in theyr behalfes to bewaile vnto mee theyr greeuous chaunces, heauy destenies, and woefull misfortunes. This done, wee opened such bookes of chronicles as wee had there present, and

Maister Ferrers (after he had founde where Bochas left, which was aboute the ende of king Edwarde the thirde’s raigne) to begin the matter, sayde thus:

“I maruaile what[49] Bochas meaneth to forget among his miserable princes, such as were of our owne[50] nation, whose number is as great as theyr aduentures wonderfull: for to let passe all, both Britaynes, Danes, and Saxons, and to come to the last conqueste, what a sorte are they, and some euen in his owne time,[51] [or not much before?[52]] As for example [William Rufus the second king of England[Pg 9] after the conquest, slayne in the newe forest (as hee was hunting there) by[53] Walter Tirell, with the shotte of an arrowe. Robert duke of Normandy, eldest sonne to William Conqueror, depriued of his inheritance of England, by the sayde William Rufus his second brother, and after by Henry[54] his yongest brother hauing both his eies put out, miserably[55] imprisoned in Cardiff castle, whereas hee dyed. Likewise[56] the most lamentable case of William, Richarde, and Mary, children of the sayde Henry, drowned vpon the sea.[57] And[58]] king Richarde the first slayne with a quarrell in his chiefe prosperity. Also king Iohn his brother (as some say)

poysoned.[59] Are not theyr historyes rufull, and of rare ensample? But as it shoulde appeare, Bochas being an Italian, minded most the Romayne and Italike story, or els perhaps hee wanted the knowledge of ours.[60] It were therefore a goodly and notable[61] matter, to searche and discourse our whole story from the first beginning of the inhabiting of the isle. But seeing the printer’s mind is to haue vs followe[62] where Lidgate left, wee will leaue that greate laboure to other that maye entende it, and (as one being bold first to breake the yse)[63] I will begin at the time[64] of Richarde the second, a time as vnfortunate as the ruler therein.[65] And forasmuch (friend Baldwine) as it shalbe your charge to note and pen orderly the whole processe: I will so far as my memory and iudgement serueth,[Pg 10] somewhat further you in the trueth of the story. And therefore omitting the ruffle made by Iacke Strawe and his meiney,[66] with[67] the murder of many notable men which therby happened, (for Iacke as yee knowe was

but a poore prince) I will begin with a notable example, which within a while after ensued. And although the person at whome I begin, was no king nor prince; yet[68] sithens hee had a princely office, I will take vpon mee the miserable person of sir Robert Tresilian chiefe iustice of England, and of other which suffered with him: therby to warne all of his autority and profession, to take heede of wrong iudgementes,[69] misconstruing of lawes, or wresting the same to serue the prince’s turnes, which rightfully brought them to a miserable ende, which they may iustly lament in maner ensuing.”][70]

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TO THE READER.

[Before the edition 1610.]

Hauing hitherto continued the storie (gentle reader) from the first entrance of Brute into this iland, with the falles of such princes, as were neuer before this time in one volume comprised, I now proceed with the rest, which take their beginning from the Conquest, whose pen-men being many and diuers, all diuerslie affected in the method of this their Mirror, I purpose only to follow the intended scope of that most honorable personage, who, by how much he did surpasse the rest in the eminence of his noble condition, by so much he hath exceeded them all in the excellencie of his heroicall stile, which with a golden pen he hath limmed out to posteritie in that worthy obiect of his minde, the tragedie of the duke of Buckingham, and in his preface then intituled master Sackuil’s induction. This worthie president of learning, intending to perfect all this storie himselfe from the Conquest, being called to a more serious expence of his time in the great state affaires of his most royall ladie and soueraigne, left the dispose thereof to M. Baldwine, M. Ferrers, and

others, the composers of these tragedies, who continuing their methode which was by way of dialogue or interlocution betwixt euery tragedie, gaue it onely place before the duke of Buckingham’s complaint, which order I since hauing altered, haue placed the induction in the beginning,[71] with euery tragedie following, according to succession and the iust computation of time, which before was not obserued; and lest any one thinke me envious of other’s deserts, I haue subscribed the names of all such as I could heare of, vnder such tragedies as each one[Pg 12] particularlie hath written; which at the request of the printer, I haue briefely perused as the former. In which (friendly reader) if I haue done amisse, I craue pardon for my ouersight, hoping, if paines will in stead of penance pacifie thee, to yield thee satisfaction and content in my additions following, to which I refer thee.

R. N.

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The falle of Robert Tresilian chiefe justice of England, and other his fellowes, for…

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ROGER MORTIMER.

[When maister Ferrers had finished his[163] tragedy,[164] which seemed not vnfit for the persons touched in the same: another, which in the meane time had stayed vpon sir Roger Mortimer, whose[165] miserable ende (as it shoulde appeare) was somwhat before the others, sayed as foloweth: “Although it be not greatly appertinent to our purpose,[166] yet in my iudgement I thinke it woulde doe well to obserue the times of men, and as they be more auncient, so to place them.[167] For I finde that before these, (of whome maister Ferrers here hath spoken) there were two Mortimers,[168] the one[169] in Edwarde[170] the iij. time, out of our date; an other slayne in Ireland in Richarde the seconde’s time,[171] a yeare before the falle of these iustices: whose history sith it is notable, and the example fruitefull, it were not good to ouerpasse it: and therefore by your licence and agreemente,[172] I will take vpon mee the personage of the laste, who full of woundes mangled,[173] with a pale countenaunce, and griezly looke, may make his mone to Baldwine, as foloweth.”[174]]

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How the two Rogers, surnamed Mortimers, for their sundry vices ended their liues…

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THOMAS DUKE OF GLOCESTER.

[After this tragedy was[251] ended, maister Ferrers sayde: seeing it is best to place eche person in his order, Baldwine, take you the chronicles and marke them as they come: for there are many worthy to bee noted, though not treated[252] of. First the lord Murrey, a Scotishman, who tooke his death’s wound through a stroke lent him by the earle of Notyngham, whom hee chalenged at the tylt.[253] But to omit him, and also the fatte pryor of Tiptre, pressed to death with throng of people vpon London bridge at the queene’s entry,[254] I will come to the duke of Glocester, the king’s vncle, a man mynding[255] the common welth, and yet at length miserably made away. In whose person if yee will gieue eare, yee shall heare what I thinke meete to be saied.]

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How Syr Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester, vncle to King Richarde the second, was…

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[When maister Ferrers had ended his[313] fruitfull tragedy, because no man was ready with any other, I, hauing perused the story which came next, sayed: “Because you shall not say, my maisters, but that I will somewhat doe my part, I will, vnder your correction, declare the tragedy of Thomas Mowbrey, duke of Northfolke,[314] the chiefe worker of the duke of Glocester’s destruction: who to admonishe all counsailours to beware of flattering princes, or falsely enuying or accusing their peregualles, may lament his vices in maner following.”]

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