THE GREAT WAR IN VERSE AND PROSE

Selected and Edited by J. E. WETHERELL, B.A. With an Introduction by HON. H. J. CODY, D.D., LL.D. Minister of Education for the Province of Ontario

Recommended for Use in Schools Printed by Order of The Legislative Assembly of Ontario TORONTO Printed and Published by A. T. Wilgress, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty 1919

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Additional copies of this book may be obtained from the Department of Education, Parliament Buildings, Toronto, for twenty cents each.

Copyright, Canada, 1919, by The Minister of Education for Ontario

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CONTENTS

[vi] [vii]

The selections contained in this book make up a sequence which records the history of the Great War from the stirring days of August, 1914, to the opening of the Peace Conference in January, 1919. These selections of verse and prose are arranged, not necessarily in chronological order, but still with a view to indicate approximately the historic succession of great events and the varying moods of those authors and speakers who have been the voices of the allied nations during the fifty-two months of warfare.

Although this anthology has been prepared for the use of schools, the plan of selection and arrangement has made it impracticable to grade the poems and extracts to suit the capacities of pupils of different ages. The judgment of the teacher must determine what is suitable for one grade and what for another. Many of the poems and some of the prose extracts will be found too difficult for young pupils.

Due acknowledgments have been made throughout the book to the authors and publishers who have generously made it possible to bring together so valuable a collection of the literature of the War. The meed of gratitude due to all the writers represented here can never be adequately paid. Special mention is made of Nizamat Jung, Native Judge of the High Court of Hyderabad, who has given expression to the wonderful loyalty of the races of teeming India, which have poured out treasure and blood without stint in defence of their Emperor-King.

A sufficient number of copies of this book should be kept in all school libraries; and it is suggested that the poems and prose extracts should be used in the reading classes, as often as is expedient, instead of the authorized Readers.

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INTRODUCTION

The boys and girls of this generation have had the opportunity and responsibility of living through great times. In days to come they will look back with a feeling akin to awe on the hours when, in Sir Owen Seaman's words, they "saw the Powers of Darkness put to flight" and "saw the morning break." The future of our country will be determined by the youth of to-day. Problems of the greatest complexity and perplexity await solution, and can be solved only by honesty, intelligence, sympathy, breadth of outlook, sacrificial service, and the fear of God. The teachers and pupils now in our schools are in the midst of a great crisis, and will need greatness of soul that they may rightly face it. That they will respond nobly to the challenge of the age, I have not the shadow of a doubt.

Never was there a more timely occasion for the teaching of an ardent and enlightened patriotism. Those who understand the issues at stake in the Great War, the genius of the world-wide British Commonwealth, the national consciousness of our own fair Canada, the lessons taught us by the mighty struggle, will be well-instructed citizens of this Dominion, equipped by knowledge and by spirit to serve their country, their Empire, and the world.

[x]

The selections of Verse and Prose in this book set forth the varying and successive phases of the War, and seek to remind, to inform, and to inspire. The teachers will use them as vehicles of moral and patriotic instruction. The pupils will keep them forever in their hearts and minds. Surely if we wish to introduce any good element into the life of a nation, it can best be introduced through its schools and colleges.

It is well to recall the issues that have been decided; for in no struggle have greater hung in the balance. The crime perpetrated against the Belgians, aggravated by its accompanying treachery and brutality and immediately followed by unparalleled sanguinary atrocity, revealed as by a lurid flash the nature and the greatness of the menace to which Christian civilization was exposed. Prussian militarism, in this belated, almost incredible but all too terrible, outbreak of Pagan barbarism, threatened to overthrow all the best elements in international life.

(1) The very idea of a Commonwealth of Europe, the growing sense of solidarity, the recognition of general interests, the existence of international institutions such as the Hague Tribunal—were seen to be doomed, if Germany should come forth a victor.

(2) The law of international good faith,—the absolutely indispensable foundation for any international fabric,—would be abolished, if a single criminal state could defy it with impunity, and could profitably disregard treaties, oaths, Geneva Conventions, Hague Declarations, if these interfered with its own selfish advantage.

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(3) The fate of the smaller States of Europe, with their own special contributions to civilization, would be sealed, if the arrogant Kultur of Germany were forced upon a subjugated world.

(4) The principle of nationality, vital to a stable and organic modern state, would be crushed or remain as a source of constant unrest in Austro-Hungary, in the Balkan Peninsula, and in other disturbed parts of Europe.

(5) Democracy, with all it implies of self-government, freedom from external compulsion, peaceful development, and civic progress, was recognized as having come to deathgrips with its ancient foe—militaristic autocracy.

(6) The future development of all the Free States of the world, the Entente Powers and the neutrals, was threatened by the German blow for world-power. The very existence of the British Empire as a free, prosperous, and progressive commonwealth, was imperilled. The freedom of our own Dominion was assailed.

(7) Behind all political and material interests, profound moral issues were at stake. The struggle was against the "armed doctrine,"—that diabolical perversion of all sound political thinking,—that the essence of the State is might, that the State is above all moral restraints, that war is its normal and noblest activity, and that war may be waged with pitiless ferocity and scientific frightfulness.

All the forces that opposed freedom, self-government, and progress gathered around the despotisms of[xii] Central Europe. In 1914 they made their bid for world dominion. Never before had so much been at stake; perhaps never again will such issues be put to the test. Thank God, the judgment has been given; the righteous government of the world has been vindicated; Right has triumphed over Might.

Gradually the real nature of the struggle was recognized by the free peoples of the world. Their sons felt they were summoned to a new crusade. They went forth as champions of democracy against autocracy, of freedom against tyranny, of mercy against ruthlessness, of justice against iniquity, of decency against shamefulness, of good faith against perfidy, of Right against Might, of peace against war, of humane and Christian civilization against savage and pagan barbarism. All the world was presently forced to give a moral and political judgment on the issues.

Our own glorious British Empire, with its traditions of justice, honour, and liberty, soon became the soul and centre of the Allied resistance. By her Fleet, by her Armies, by her aircraft, by her financing, by her supplies, by her indomitable spirit—she endured and smote the foe. We pay grateful tribute to the achievements of all our Allies in the common cause; but we do not forget Britain's mighty burden.

Among the British Armies, no troops have won higher distinction than the Canadian Corps, under their great leader, Sir Arthur Currie. They were ranked among the most formidable fighting units on the Western Front, and as an offensive spear-head of shock[xiii] troops they were unsurpassed. They fought in almost every critical engagement of the War. They "saved the day" at the second Battle of Ypres, in face of the hideous emission of poison gas; they fought in the long-drawn agony of the Somme; they won Vimy Ridge, Hill 70, and Passchendaele in 1917; they were in the thickest of the battle in the last "hundred days", as they fought triumphantly at Amiens, Arras, Cambrai, Valenciennes, and Mons. The last blow struck before the Armistice was signed, was struck by the Canadians, who entered Mons early on the morning of the eleventh of November. The course of the war for the British Armies on the Western Front was from Mons, where the "Old Contemptibles" were flung into the furnace of the fight in August, 1914, to Mons, won by our men from overseas in November,

1918. It was "a long, long way", a way stained by blood and sweat, but at last the grim journey ended. Canada has made a worthy contribution to world-freedom and world-brotherhood.

Canada is dearer to us than ever, because it has been purchased anew at a great cost of precious blood. Those who have fallen are worthy of everlasting remembrance. They will be commemorated by public monuments, by tablets of bronze, or brass or marble in public buildings, by "storied windows richly dight". They deserve this. But, before God, they deserve at our hands a better monument—even the monument of a purer, nobler Canada, more intelligent, more united, more sober, more kindly, more God-fearing. Dying for[xiv] Canada, they have recreated Canada. Let us be worthy of those whose deaths have kept us free.

Through the experiences of these recent years, we have learned the possibilities of heroism latent in every man. We need not hesitate to make high demands on our citizens for worthy ends. We have regained a right sense of the relative value of things, and we know that the first things are those which are ideal, spiritual, eternal. We know that persons are of infinitely more value than things; that the development and enrichment of personality mark the only true advance in civilization; and that the basis of national progress is the health, efficiency, and spiritual well-being of the people. We have realized the power of organized effort. We shall not forget the bonds of sympathy which common sorrows have created. We have gained a wider outlook on the world and a truer conception of the meaning of Empire. We understand more clearly the national problems that lie before us in this new era. A better Canada will not come of itself. It must be planned for and striven for. But it will come, if there is kindled in the souls of our citizens

the same flame of sacrifice and service which burned so brightly in the hearts of Canada's citizen-soldiers of the Great War.

Department of Education, Toronto, April 4, 1919

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"FOR ALL WE HAVE AND ARE"

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LORD KITCHENER'S INSTRUCTIONS TO THE BRITISH SOLDIER

(August, 1914)

You are ordered abroad as a soldier of the King to help our French comrades against the invasion of a common enemy. You have to perform a task which will need your courage, your energy, your patience. Remember that the honour of the British Army depends on your individual conduct.

It will be your duty, not only to set an example of discipline and perfect steadiness under fire, but also to maintain the most friendly relations with those whom you are helping in this struggle. The operations in which you are engaged will, for the most part, take place in a friendly country, and you can do your own country no better service than in showing yourself in France and Belgium in the true character of a British soldier.

Be invariably courteous, considerate, and kind. Never do anything likely to injure or destroy property, and always look upon looting as a disgraceful act. You are sure to meet with a welcome and to be trusted; your conduct must justify that welcome and that trust.

Your duty cannot be done unless your health is sound. So keep constantly on your guard against any excesses. In this new experience you may find temptations both in wine and women. You must entirely resist both temptations, and, while treating all women with perfect courtesy, you should avoid any intimacy.

Do your duty bravely. Fear God. Honour the King.

Kitchener, Field-Marshal

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STATEMENT BY LORD KITCHENER

(House of Lords, August 25, 1914)

My Lords, as this is the first time I have had the honour of addressing your Lordships, I must ask for the indulgence of the House. In the first place, I desire to make a personal statement. Noble Lords on both sides of the House doubtless know that while associating myself in the fullest degree for the prosecution of the war with my colleagues in His Majesty's Government, my position on this bench does not in any way imply that I belong to any political party, for, as a soldier, I have no politics. Another point is that my occupation of the post of Secretary of State for War is a temporary one. The terms of my service are the same as those under which some of the finest portions[6] of our manhood, now so willingly stepping forward to join the colours, are engaging—that is to say, for the war, or, if it lasts longer than three years, then for three years. It has been asked why this latter limit has been fixed. It is because that should this disastrous war be prolonged—and no one can foretell with any certainty its duration—then after three

years' war there will be others fresh and fully prepared to take our places and see this matter through.

The very serious conflict in which we are now engaged on the Continent has been none of our seeking. It will undoubtedly strain the resources of our Empire and entail considerable sacrifices on our people. These will be willingly borne for our honour and for the preservation of our position in the world; and they will be shared by our Dominions beyond the seas, now sending contingents and assistance of every kind to help the Mother Country in this struggle. If I am unable, owing to military considerations for the best interests of the Allied Armies in the field, to speak with much detail on the present situation of our Army on the Continent, I am sure your Lordships will pardon me for the necessary restraint which is imposed upon me.

The Expeditionary Force has taken the field on the French North-West frontier, and advanced to the neighbourhood of Mons in Belgium. Our troops have already been for thirty-six hours in contact with a superior force of German invaders. During that time they have maintained the traditions of British soldiers, and have behaved with the utmost gallantry.

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THE VIGIL

(This poem was first published before 1914, but during the Great War it was very widely quoted, the refrain voicing the spirit of England.)

OFF HELIGOLAND

(August 28, 1914)

A CALL TO ARMS

(At the Guildhall, London, September 4, 1914)

The issue has passed out of the domain of argument into another field. But let me ask you, and through you the world outside, what would have been our condition to-day, if through timidity, or through a perverted calculation of self-interest, or through a paralysis of the sense of honour and duty, we had been base enough to be false to our word and faithless to our friends? Our eyes would have been turned at this moment, with those of the whole civilized world, to Belgium, a small State which has lived for more[12] than seventy years under a several and collective guarantee to which we, in common with Prussia and Austria, were parties. We should have seen, at the instance and by the action of two of those guaranteeing Powers, her neutrality violated, her independence strangled, her territory made use of as affording the easiest and most convenient road to a war of unprovoked aggression against France. We, the British people, should at this moment be standing by, with folded arms and with such countenance as we could command, while this small and unprotected State, in

defence of her vital liberties, made a heroic stand against overweening and overwhelming force. We should have been admiring as detached spectators the siege of Liège, the steady and manful resistance of a small army, the occupation of Brussels with all its splendid traditions and memories, the gradual forcing back of the patriotic defenders of their fatherland to the ramparts of Antwerp, countless outrages suffered by them, buccaneering levies exacted from the unoffending civil population, and, finally, the greatest crime committed against civilization and culture since the Thirty Years' War, the sack of Louvain, with its buildings, its pictures, its unique library, its unrivalled associations, a shameless holocaust of irreparable treasures, lit up by blind barbarian vengeance. What account could we, the Government and the people of this country, have been able to render to the tribunal of our national conscience and sense of honour, if, in defiance of our plighted and solemn obligations, we had endured, and had not done our best to prevent,[13]

yes, to avenge, these intolerable wrongs? For my part, I say that sooner than be a silent witness, which means in effect a willing accomplice, to this tragic triumph of force over law, and of brutality over freedom, I would see this country of ours blotted out of the pages of history.

. . . . . . . . . .

Is there any one in this hall, or in this United Kingdom, or in the vast Empire of which we here stand in the capital and centre, who blames us or repents our decision? If not, as I believe there is not, we must steel ourselves to the task, and, in the spirit which animated our forefathers in their struggle against the dominion of Napoleon, we must, and we shall, persevere to the end.

It would be a criminal mistake to underestimate either the magnitude, the fighting quality, or the staying power of the forces which are arrayed against us; but it would be equally foolish and equally indefensible to belittle our own resources whether for resistance or for attack. Belgium has shown us by memorable and glorious example what can be done by a relatively small State when its citizens are animated and fired by the spirit of patriotism.

. . . . . . . . . .

Our self-governing Dominions throughout the Empire, without any solicitation on our part, demonstrated with a spontaneousness and unanimity unparalleled in history their determination to affirm their brotherhood with us, and to make our cause their own.[14]

From Canada, from Australia, from New Zealand, from South Africa, and from Newfoundland, the children of the Empire assert, not as an obligation, but as a privilege, their right and their willingness to contribute money, material, and, what is better than all, the strength and sinews, the fortunes and lives of their best manhood.

India, too, with not less alacrity, has claimed her share in the common task. Every class and creed, British and native, princes and people, Hindus and Mohammedans, vie with one another in a noble and emulous rivalry. Two divisions of our magnificent Indian Army are already on their way. We welcome with appreciation and affection their proffered aid, and, in an Empire which knows no distinction of race or class, where all alike, as subjects of the King-Emperor, are joint and equal custodians of our common interest and fortunes, we here hail with profound and heartfelt gratitude their association side by side and shoulder to shoulder with our home and Dominion troops, under the flag which is a symbol to all of a unity that the world in arms cannot dissever or dissolve.

. . . . . . . . . .